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WIKIMAG n. 6 - Maggio 2013 
Giulio Andreotti

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Senatore
Giulio Andreotti
Andreotti 1991.jpg
41st Prime Minister of Italy
In office
17 February 1972 – 7 July 1973
President Giovanni Leone
Preceded by Emilio Colombo
Succeeded by Mariano Rumor
In office
29 July 1976 – 4 August 1979
President Giovanni Leone
Alessandro Pertini
Deputy Ugo La Malfa
Preceded by Aldo Moro
Succeeded by Francesco Cossiga
In office
22 July 1989 – 24 April 1992
President Francesco Cossiga
Deputy Claudio Martelli
Preceded by Ciriaco de Mita
Succeeded by Giuliano Amato
Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs
In office
4 August 1983 – 22 July 1989
Prime Minister Bettino Craxi
Amintore Fanfani
Giovanni Goria
Ciriaco de Mita
Preceded by Emilio Colombo
Succeeded by Gianni De Michelis
Italian Minister of Defense
In office
15 February 1959 – 23 February 1966
Prime Minister Antonio Segni
Fernando Tambroni
Amintore Fanfani
Giovanni Leone
Aldo Moro
Preceded by Antonio Segni
Succeeded by Roberto Tremelloni
In office
14 March 1974 – 23 November 1974
Prime Minister Mariano Rumor
Preceded by Mario Tanassi
Succeeded by Arnaldo Forlani
Italian Minister of the Interior
In office
18 January 1954 – 8 February 1954
Prime Minister Amintore Fanfani
Preceded by Amintore Fanfani
Succeeded by Mario Scelba
In office
11 May 1978 – 13 June 1978
Prime Minister Himself
Preceded by Francesco Cossiga
Succeeded by Virginio Rognoni
Lifetime Senator
In office
19 June 1991 – 6 May 2013
Constituency Appointment
by President Cossiga
Personal details
Born 14 January 1919
Rome, Lazio, Italy
Died 6 May 2013 (aged 94)
Rome, Lazio, Italy
Nationality Italian
Political party Christian Democracy (1942–1994)
Italian People's Party (1994–2001)
European Democracy (2001–2002)
Independent (2002–2008)
Union of the Centre (2008–2013)[1]
Spouse(s) Livia Danese
Children Lamberto, Marilena, Stefano, Serena
Residence Rome, Italy
Alma mater University of Rome La Sapienza  
Profession Politics
Journalist
Religion Roman Catholicism

Giulio Andreotti (Italian: [ˈʤuːljo andreˈɔtti]; 14 January 1919 – 6 May 2013) was an Italian politician of the centrist Christian Democracy party.[2] He served as the 41st Prime Minister of Italy from 1972 to 1973, from 1976 to 1979 and from 1989 to 1992.[3] He also served as Minister of the Interior (1954 and 1978), Defense Minister (1959–1966 and 1974) and Foreign Minister (1983–1989) and was a Senator for life from 1991 until his death in 2013.[3] He was also a journalist and author.

Andreotti was sometimes called Divo Giulio (from Latin Divus Iulius, "Divine Julius", an epithet of Julius Caesar after his posthumous deification). During the 16th term of the Senate in 2008–2013, he opted to join the parliamentary group UDC – independence.

Contents

Political career

Early years

Andreotti was born in Rome[3] into a family from Segni. He studied law in Rome, during which time he was member of the Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana (FUCI, or Italian Catholic University Federation), which was then the only Catholic university association allowed by the Fascist government. Its members included many of the future leaders of the Italian Democrazia Cristiana (or DC, the Christian Democracy party). In July 1939, while Aldo Moro was president of FUCI,[4] Andreotti became director of its magazine Azione Fucina. In 1942, when Moro was enrolled in the Italian Army, Andreotti succeeded him as president of FUCI, a position he held until 1944.

During his early years Andreotti suffered violent migraines that forced him to sporadically assume psychoactive drugs and opiates. [5]

During World War II, Andreotti wrote for the Rivista del Lavoro, a Fascist propaganda publication, but was also a member of the then clandestine newspaper Il Popolo. In 1944 he became member of the National Council of DC. After the end of the conflict, he became responsible for the youth organization of the party.

In 1946, Andreotti was elected to the Assemblea Costituente, the provisional parliament which had the task of writing the new Italian constitution. His election was supported by Alcide De Gasperi, founder of the modern DC, whose assistant Andreotti became. In 1948, he was elected to the newly formed Chamber of Deputies to represent the constituency of Rome-Latina-Viterbo-Frosinone, which remained his stronghold until the 1990s.

First government positions (1950s and 1960s)

Andreotti began his government career in 1947, when he became undersecretary to the President of the Council of Ministers in the fourth De Gasperi cabinet, a position he held until January 1954, covering all subsequent cabinets led by De Gasperi and the following one led by Giuseppe Pella. Among his actions was the signing of the act establishing the Canto degli Italiani as Italy's national anthem.

In 1954, Andreotti became Minister of the Interior. Later he was Finance Minister, and was involved in the so-called scandalo Giuffrè (a banking fraud) of 1958, due to his lack of vigilance as minister.[citation needed] The Chamber of Deputies rejected all accusations against him in December of the following year. In 1961–1962 he was officially censured by the Chamber for irregularities in the construction of Rome's Fiumicino Airport.[citation needed]

In the same period, Andreotti started to form a corrente (unofficial political association) within DC, which was then the largest party in Italy. His corrente was supported by the Roman Catholic right wing. It started its activity with a press campaign accusing the Deputy National Secretary of the DC, Piero Piccioni, of the murder of fashion model Wilma Montesi at Torvaianica.[6] After eliminating De Gasperi's old followers in the DC National Council, Andreotti helped another newly formed corrente, the Dorotei, to oust Amintore Fanfani, who was on the left of the party, as Prime Minister of Italy and National Secretary of the DC.[7]

On 20 November 1958 Andreotti, then Minister of the Treasury, was appointed President of the Organizing Committee of the 1960 Summer Olympics to be held in Rome. In the early 1960s Andreotti was Minister of Defence. This was the period of the SIFAR dossiers scandal[8] and of the Piano Solo, a coup planned by the neo-fascist general Giovanni De Lorenzo. Andreotti, as minister, was entrusted with the destruction of the dossiers.[9] It has been ascertained that the dossiers, before being destroyed, had been copied and given to Licio Gelli, the leader of the secret masonic lodge Propaganda 2, which was involved in numerous scandals during the 1980s, and with which Andreotti was frequently associated.

In 1968, Andreotti was named speaker of the parliamentary group of the DC, a position he held until 1972.

Prime Minister

In 1972, Andreotti began his first term as Prime Minister of Italy. He held the post in two consecutive centre-right cabinets in 1972–1973. He also held important positions in subsequent governments.

Giulio Andreotti (left), with US President Richard Nixon and singer Frank Sinatra at the White House, 1973.

When he was Minister of Defense, he declared in an interview that the state had provided a cover for the far-right activist Guido Giannettini, investigated for the Piazza Fontana bombing.[10] Andreotti was acquitted of having helped Giannettini.

In 1974–1976, Andreotti was Minister of Foreign Affairs. During his tenure, Italy opened and developed diplomatic and economic relationships with Arab countries of the Mediterranean Basin, a policy previously pursued only at non-government level, such as by Enrico Mattei's ENI. He also supported business and trade between Italy and Soviet Union.

In 1976, the Italian Socialist Party left the centre-left government of Aldo Moro. The ensuing elections saw the growth of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the DC kept only a minimal advantage as the relative majority party in Italy, which was then suffering from an economic crisis and from terrorism. After the success of his party, PCI secretary Enrico Berlinguer approached DC's left-leaning leaders, Moro and Fanfani, with a proposal to bring forward the so-called "historic compromise", a political pact proposed by Moro which would see a government coalition between DC and PCI for the first time. Andreotti was called in to lead the first experiment in that direction: his new cabinet, formed in July 1976, included only DC members but had the indirect support of the other parties, except the post-fascist Movimento Sociale Italiano. This support was based on the so-called non-sfiducia ("non-challenge"), meaning that these parties would abstain in any confidence vote. This cabinet fell in January 1978.

Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti (far left) with G7 leaders in Bonn, 1978.

In March 1978, the crisis was overcome by the intervention of Moro, who proposed a new cabinet, again formed only by DC politicians, but this time with positive confidence votes from the other parties, including the PCI. This cabinet was also chaired by Andreotti, and was formed on 16 March 1978, the day on which Aldo Moro was kidnapped by the communist terrorist group the Red Brigades. The dramatic situation which followed brought PCI to vote for Andreotti's cabinet for the sake of what was called "national solidarity", despite its refusal to accept several previous requests.[11]

Andreotti's role during the kidnapping of Moro is controversial. He refused any negotiation with the terrorists, and was sharply criticized for this by Moro's family and by a segment of public opinion. Moro, during his imprisonment, wrote a statement expressing very harsh judgements against Andreotti.[12] Moro was killed by the Red Brigades in May 1978. After his death, Andreotti continued as Prime Minister of the "National Solidarity" government with the support of the PCI. Laws approved during his tenure include the reform of the Italian National Health Service. However, when the PCI asked to participate more directly in the government, Andreotti refused, and the government was dissolved in June 1979. Due also to conflict with Bettino Craxi, Secretary of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), the other main party in Italy at the time, Andreotti did not hold any further government position until 1983.

Andreotti with Nixon, 1973.

1980s and 1990s

In 1983, Andreotti became Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first cabinet of Bettino Craxi. He held this position until 1989, among other things encouraging diplomacy between the USA and the Soviet Union and improving Italian links with Arab countries. In this respect he followed a line similar to that of Craxi, with whom he had an otherwise troubled political relationship.[13] Andreotti supported Craxi's moves during the hijacking of the Achille Lauro ship.

On 14 April 1986, Andreotti revealed to Libyan Foreign Minister Abdel Rahman Shalgham that the United States would bomb Libya the next day in retaliation for the Berlin disco terrorist attack which had been linked to Libya.[14] As a result of the warning from Italy – a supposed ally of the US – Libya was better prepared for the bombing. Nevertheless, on the following day Libya fired two Scuds at the Italian island of Lampedusa in retaliation. However, the missiles passed over the island, landing in the sea, and caused no damage.

As Craxi's relationship with the then National Secretary of the DC, Ciriaco de Mita, was even worse, Andreotti was instrumental in the creation of the so-called "CAF triangle" (from the initials of the surnames of Craxi, Andreotti and another DC leader, Arnaldo Forlani) opposing De Mita's power. In 1989, when De Mita's government fell, Andreotti was called to succeed him. He remained Prime Minister until 1992.

This last period as Prime Minister was turbulent. Andreotti chose not to dissolve the cabinet after ministers on the left of the DC resigned after the approval of a law strengthening Silvio Berlusconi's monopoly on private television. Tension with Craxi re-emerged after the publication of letters by Moro in which Andreotti saw a role for the leader of the PSI. The Gladio scandal,[15] the violent political declarations by President Francesco Cossiga and the first revelations of the Tangentopoli corruption scandal characterized the last years of his premiership.

1990s and 2000s

In 1992, at the end of the legislature, Andreotti resigned as Prime Minister. The previous year, Cossiga had appointed him senator for life.

Andreotti was one of the most likely candidates to succeed Cossiga as President of the Republic in 1992. He and the members of his corrente had adopted a strategy of launching his candidature only after effectively quenching all the others, including that of Forlani. However, this strategy was thwarted by the assassination of judge Giovanni Falcone in Palermo, which followed that of Salvo Lima, a Sicilian politician strongly linked to Andreotti, two months before. The national emergency which resulted led to the election of Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, a less political figure, supported also by the left.

Andreotti was untouched during the first stages of Tangentopoli, but in April 1993, after being mentioned in the declarations of several pentiti (people abandoning criminal and terrorist organizations), he was investigated for having Mafia connections. In 1994 the Democrazia Cristiana vanished from the political sphere. Andreotti joined the Italian People's Party founded by Mino Martinazzoli, abandoning it in 2001 after the creation of La Margherita.

In 2006, Andreotti stood for the presidency of the Italian Senate, but only obtained 156 votes against the 165 of Franco Marini.

On 21 January 2008 he abstained from a vote in the Senate concerning Minister Massimo D'Alema's report on foreign politics. Together with the abstentions of another life senator, Sergio Pininfarina, and of two communist senators, this caused the government to lose the vote. Consequently, Prime Minister Romano Prodi resigned. On previous occasions, Andreotti had always supported Prodi's government with his vote.

Mafia trial

Andreotti was investigated for his role in the 1979 murder of Mino Pecorelli, a journalist who had published allegations that Andreotti had links with the Mafia and with the kidnapping of Aldo Moro. A court acquitted him in 1999 after a trial that lasted three years, but he was convicted on appeal in November 2002 and sentenced to twenty-four years' imprisonment. The eighty-three-year-old Andreotti was immediately released pending an appeal. On 30 October 2003 an appeal court overturned the conviction and acquitted Andreotti of the original murder charge. That same year, the court of Palermo acquitted him of ties to the Mafia, but only on grounds of expiry of statutory terms. The court established that Andreotti had indeed had strong ties to the Mafia until 1980, and had used them to further his political career to such an extent as to be considered part of the Mafia itself.[16]

Andreotti defended himself by saying he took harsh measures against the Mafia while in government. Andreotti's seventh government (1991–92) did take a number of decisive steps against the Mafia, thanks to the presence of anti-Mafia judge Giovanni Falcone at the Ministry of Justice. "When he says that he took extremely harsh measures against the Mafia, he isn't lying", wrote Eugenio Scalfari, editor of the newspaper La Repubblica. "I think at a certain point in the late Eighties he realised that the Mafia could not be controlled. He awoke from his perennial distraction ... and the Mafia, which realised that it could no longer count on his protection or tolerance, assassinated his man in Sicily."[17] His man in Palermo was Salvo Lima, who was murdered by the Mafia in March 1992. The murder of Lima was a turning point in relations between the Mafia and its political associates. The Mafia felt betrayed by Lima and Andreotti. In their opinion they had failed to block the January 1992 confirmation by the Court of Cassation (court of final appeal) of the sentence in the Maxi Trial of 1986, which had sent scores of Mafiosi to jail.[17][18]

Involvement in other judicial affairs

Assassination of Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa

In 1982 Andreotti asked Carabinieri General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa to accept the position of Prefect of Palermo. In a note dated 2 April 1982 to Prime Minister Giovanni Spadolini, Dalla Chiesa wrote that the Sicilian membership of Democrazia Cristiana linked with Andreotti were the most infiltrated by the Mafia.[19]

According to Mino Pecorelli's sister, Dalla Chiesa met with Pecorelli (they were both members of the secret masonic lodge Propaganda 2) a few days before the latter was assassinated in 1979. Pecorelli gave Dalla Chiesa several documents containing serious accusations against Andreotti.[20] Just before his death in 1993, Andreotti's collaborator Franco Evangelisti described to a journalist an alleged secret meeting between Andreotti and Dalla Chiesa, during which Dalla Chiesa had shown Andreotti the complete statement of Aldo Moro (published only in 1990) containing dangerous revelations about Andreotti.[21]

Dalla Chiesa was ambushed in his car and shot dead, together with his wife, in September 1982. The judges' reconstruction has proved that the Mafia had been planning the assassination of Dalla Chiesa since 1979, three years before he became Prefect of Palermo.[22]

Relationship with Michele Sindona

According to the Tribunals of Perugia and Palermo, "Andreotti had long-standing relationships with people who, in several ways, were interested in the Banca Privata Italiana banker and member of masonic lodge P2, Michele Sindona."[23]

With Jimmy Carter, 1977

Such relationships became closer in 1976, when Sindona's banks went bankrupt: Licio Gelli, chief of the P2 lodge, proposed a plan to save the Banca Privata Italiana to Andreotti, then Minister of Defense. Andreotti, however, could not get the plan approved by Minister of the Treasury Ugo La Malfa. Later Andreotti denied any personal involvement, declaring that the attempt to save the bank was merely institutional. Andreotti did not terminate his relationship with Sindona when the latter fled to the United States.[citation needed]

Sindona, who in 1984 had been arrested, brought to Italy and condemned to life imprisonment for bankruptcy and for the assassination of Giorgio Ambrosoli, was killed by a poisoned cup of coffee in Voghera prison on 20 March 1986. Journalist and university professor Sergio Turone has suggested that Andreotti had a role in providing the poisoned sugar that caused Sindona's death, after convincing the banker that it would cause him only to faint, hoping that this would help him to be returned to the United States.[24] According to Turone, Andreotti feared that Sindona would reveal dangerous details about his past life, after his conviction had shown that Andreotti had stopped supporting him.[24]

Political movement

Andreotti's corrente with the DC based its political support on the eastern part of Lazio. His local supporters included politicians Franco Evangelisti, Vittorio Sbardella, nicknamed Lo Squalo ("The Shark"), and the entrepreneur Giuseppe Ciarrapico. All of them were involved in corruption scandals. Andreotti was also a friend of Court of Cassation judge Franco Vitalone, who was investigated for his role in the Moro kidnapping and in the assassination of Pecorelli,[25] and of bishop Fiorenzo Angelini, responsible for health matters in the Vatican, who was involved in the Tangentopoli scandal.[26]

Involvement in film

As the state undersecretary in charge of entertainment in 1949, Andreotti found a way of slowing the advance of American films while also curbing the excesses of Neorealism in Italy. The Andreotti law established import limits, screen quotas, and provided loans to Italian production firms. However, to receive a loan, a government committee had to approve the script; films with an apolitical slant were rewarded with larger sums, while films that were thought to slander Italy could be denied an export license. The Andreotti law created preproduction censorship in Italy. Vittorio de Sica's Umberto D, which depicted the lonely life of a retired man, could only strike government officials as a dangerous throwback, due to the opening scene featuring police breaking up a demonstration of old pensioners and the ending scene featuring Umberto's aborted suicide attempt. In a public letter to De Sica, Andreotti castigated him for his "wretched service to his fatherland." [27]

Death and legacy

Andreotti died in Rome on 6 May 2013, after suffering from respiratory problems. He was 94.[28] The BBC described him as "one of the most prominent political figures of post-war Italy".[28] The New York Times noted he had "a résumé of signal accomplishments and checkered failings that reads like a history of the republic".[29] The Mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno, announced the death, stating that Andreotti was ""the most representative politician" Italy had known in its recent history".[30]

Popular culture

Cover of the Italian weekly Panorama featuring Andreotti.
  • In Italy, his detractors nicknamed him Belzebù (Beelzebub) or "The Prince of Darkness", because of his alleged Mafia links. Other disparaging nicknames include "The Black Pope" and "The Hunchback".[31]
  • The fictional character Don Licio Lucchesi from the movie The Godfather Part III, a high-ranking Italian politician with close ties to the Mafia, was modeled on Andreotti. Before Lucchesi was killed, his killer whispered in his ear "Power wears out those who don't have it".[citation needed]
  • He appeared as himself in the 1983 film Il tassinaro, alongside Alberto Sordi.[citation needed]
  • The Italian satirical magazine Cuore referred to Andreotti as Giulio "Lavazza" – Lavazza being a leading Italian brand of coffee. This was a reference to the alleged involvement of Andreotti in the assassination of banker and felon Michele Sindona, killed in jail with a poisoned espresso.[citation needed]
  • Andreotti is the subject of Paolo Sorrentino's Il Divo, winner of the Jury Prize at the 2008 Cannes Film Festival.[32] Andreotti walked out of the movie and dismissed the film, saying he believes he will in the end be judged "on his record".[33]
  • On 2 November 2008, Andreotti appeared on the entertainment program Questa Domenica ("This Sunday"), broadcast on the Italian television channel Canale 5. During his appearance, he seemed to be in difficulty and there was speculation he had suffered a stroke.[34] Andreotti was twice asked a question and simply failed to respond, although his eyes remained open. The director cut to an advertisement break, following which Andreotti reappeared in seemingly better condition. The incident was presented as a consequence of technical difficulties.

References

  1. ^ "Gianpiero D'Alia: Greetings, Andreotti always set an example for us" (in Italian). UDC official website. 14 January 2011. Retrieved 3 March 2013.
  2. ^ Associated Press (6 May 2013). "Italy state TV: Seven-time Premier Giulio Andreotti dies at 94". The Washington Post. Retrieved 6 May 2013.
  3. ^ a b c "Giulio ANDREOTTI (XVII Legislatura), Dati anagrafici e incarichi" (in Italian). Senate of the Republic (Italy). Retrieved 6 May 2013.
  4. ^ Tiziano Torresi, L'altra giovinezza. Gli universitari cattolici dal 1935 al 1940, Cittadella editrice, 2010, with a preface by Andreotti himself. (Italian)
  5. ^ Ruggero Orfei,"Andreotti", Feltrinelli, 1975. (Italian)
  6. ^ Messina, Dino (2 July 2009). "Caso Montesi, la talpa di Fanfani". Corriere della Sera. Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  7. ^ Fernando Proietti, "Morto Franco Evangelisti il camerlengo di Andreotti", Corriere della Sera, 12 November 1993, page 15. (Italian)
  8. ^ This was a series of dossiers about powerful Italian figures, including the Pope himself, which had been ordered by general Giovanni De Lorenzo when he was chief of the SIFAR, the Italian military secret service.
  9. ^ SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA-CAMERA DEI DEPUTATI, XII LEGISLATURA, Doc. XXXIV, n. 1, RELAZIONE DEL COMITATO PARLAMENTARE PER I SERVIZI DI INFORMAZIONE E SICUREZZA E PER IL SEGRETO DI STATO, § 4.2: "Appare credibile quanto affermato a suo tempo dall'ingegnere Francesco Siniscalchi e dai dottori Ermenegildo Benedetti e Giovanni Bricchi circa una possibile donazione di fascicoli che l'ex capo del SIFAR Giovanni Allavena avrebbe effettuato a Gelli al momento di aderire alla loggia P2 nel 1967. Negli anni successivi, inoltre, l'adesione alla loggia di pressoché tutti i principali dirigenti del SID rende più che plausibile un travaso informativo da questi ultimi a Gelli". (Italian)
  10. ^ XII legislatura, Camera dei deputati-Senato della Repubblica, Doc. XXXIV n. 3, RELAZIONE DEL COMITATO PARLAMENTARE PER I SERVIZI DI INFORMAZIONE E SICUREZZA E PER IL SEGRETO DI STATO SUI DOCUMENTI TRASMESSI DALLA PROCURA DELLA REPUBBLICA DI MILANO – RILIEVI E VALUTAZIONI: "In particolare, nel 1974, egli aveva provocato una crisi nel SID, sia attraverso un'intervista a Massimo Caprara, per il settimanale "Il Mondo", rivelando la identità del neofascista Guido Giannettini, confidente del Servizio, sia attraverso iniziative contro il generale Vito Miceli (allora Direttore del SID), in rapporto alle vicende del cosiddetto golpe Borghese e della "Rosa dei venti", sia offrendo, dal marzo 1974, come Ministro della difesa, un attivo sostegno al generale Gianadelio Maletti (allora Capo dell'Ufficio D), nello scontro interno che lo contrapponeva a Miceli". (Italian)
  11. ^ Discorsi parlamentari di Enrico Berlinguer, Italian Chamber of Deputies, ed. M.L. Righi, 2001, p. 183. (Italian)
  12. ^ Moro, Aldo (1978). "Il Memoriale di Aldo Moro". Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  13. ^ Andreotti, Giulio. "Foreign policy in the Italian democracy". Political Science Quarterly 109 (Special Issue 1994): p. 529.
  14. ^ Reports: Italy warned Libya of 1986 US strike, Associated Press Writer, 30 October 2008[dead link]
  15. ^ On 24 October 1990, Andreotti acknowledged before the Chamber of Deputies the existence of Operazione Gladio, a North Atlantic Treaty Organization secret anti-communist structure.
  16. ^ 'Kiss of honour' between Andreotti and Mafia head never happened, The Independent, 26 July 2003
  17. ^ a b All the prime minister's men, by Alexander Stille, The Independent, 24 September 1995
  18. ^ Stille, Excellent Cadavers, p. 378-80
  19. ^ Dalla Chiesa, Nando (1984). "Sono quattro le domande che restano senza risposta". La Repubblica. Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  20. ^ Bellu, Giovanni Maria (11 June 1993). "E ANDREOTTI DISSE: FERMATE PECORELLI". La Repubblica. Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  21. ^ Calabrò, Maria Antonietta. "Andreotti contro Evangelisti: dice il falso". Corriere della Sera. Retrieved 19 October 2010. (Italian)
  22. ^ "Sagome, ombre, una immagine sfocata.". La Stampa. Retrieved 19 October 2010. (Italian)
  23. ^ Travaglio, Marco; Peter Gomex. "Giulio Andreotti e le "pene" per l’amico Michele Sindona". La repubblica delle banane. Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  24. ^ a b Turone, Sergio. "Michele Sindona e Giulio Andreotti". I Siciliani del 1986. Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  25. ^ Giorgio Galli, in Il prezzo della democrazia. La carriera politica di Giulio Andreotti (Kaos, 2002), riassume parlando esplicitamente di "intrighi nella procura romana attraverso il magistrato andreottiano Claudio Vitalone" (Italian)
  26. ^ "Sua Sanità Fiorenzo Angelini". Retrieved 17 October 2010. (Italian)
  27. ^ Bordwell, David. Thompson, Kristin. 2010. Film History: An Introduction. 3rd ed. NY: McGraw Hill. p #333.
  28. ^ a b "Giulio Andreotti: Ex-Italian prime minister dies". BBC News. 6 May 2013. Retrieved 6 May 2013.
  29. ^ Tagliabue, John (6 May 2013). "Giulio Andreotti, Premier of Italy 7 Times, Dies at 94". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 May 2013.
  30. ^ "Giulio Andreotti, former Italian prime minister, dies aged 94". The Guardian. 6 May 2013. Retrieved 6 May 2013.
  31. ^ Beelzebub spoils Prodi's day, The Times, 29 April 2006
  32. ^ Il Divo: the Spectacular Life of Giulio Andreotti, The Times, 19 March 2009
  33. ^ Andreotti: why I walked out of my own biopic, The Times, 17 March 2009
  34. ^ Youtube Video (Italian).

Further reading

  • Giuseppe Leone, "Federico II Re di Prussia e Giulio Andreotti – Due modi diversi di concepire la politica", su "Ricorditi di me...", in "Lecco 2000", gennaio 1996. (Italian)

External links


 

Political offices
Preceded by
Amintore Fanfani
Italian Minister of the Interior
1954
Succeeded by
Mario Scelba
Preceded by
Roberto Tremelloni
Italian Minister of Finance
1955–1958
Succeeded by
Luigi Preti
Preceded by
Giuseppe Medici
Italian Minister of the Treasury
1958–1959
Succeeded by
Fernando Tambroni
Preceded by
Antonio Segni
Italian Minister of Defense
1959–1966
Succeeded by
Roberto Tremelloni
Preceded by
Edgardo Lami Starnuti
Italian Minister of Industry
1966–1968
Succeeded by
Mario Tanassi
Preceded by
Emilio Colombo
Prime Minister of Italy
1972–1973
Succeeded by
Mariano Rumor
Preceded by
Mario Tanassi
Italian Minister of Defense
1974
Succeeded by
Arnaldo Forlani
Preceded by
Antonio Giolitti
Italian Minister of Budget
1974–1976
Succeeded by
Tommaso Morlino
Preceded by
Aldo Moro
Prime Minister of Italy
1976–1979
Succeeded by
Francesco Cossiga
Preceded by
Emilio Colombo
Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs
1983–1989
Succeeded by
Gianni De Michelis
Preceded by
Ciriaco de Mita
Prime Minister of Italy
1989–1992
Succeeded by
Giuliano Amato
Preceded by
Franco Piga
Italian Minister of Public Factories
1990–1992
Succeeded by
Giuseppe Guarino
Preceded by
Ferdinando Facchiano
Italian Minister of Culture
1991–1992
Succeeded by
Alberto Ronchey
Italian Chamber of Deputies
New parliament
 
Parliament re-established
Member of Parliament for Rome
Legislatures: CA, I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX, X

1946–1991
Succeeded by
Title jointly held
Italian Senate
Preceded by
Title jointly held
Italian Lifetime Senator
Legislatures: X, XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, XVII

1991 – 2013
Succeeded by
Title jointly held

 








1) scrivi le parole inglesi dentro la striscia gialla
2)
seleziona il testo
3)
clicca "Ascolta il testo"

Listen to this page using ReadSpeaker
 


DA INGLESE A ITALIANO
Inserire nella casella Traduci la parola INGLESE e cliccare Go.
 DA ITALIANO A INGLESE 
Impostare INGLESE anziché italiano e ripetere la procedura descritta.

 

 
 

 
CONDIZIONI DI USO DI QUESTO SITO
agg. 13.12.12
L'utente può utilizzare il sito ELINGUE solo se comprende e accetta quanto segue:

  • le risorse e i servizi linguistici presentati all'interno della cartella di sito denominata ELINGUE (www.englishgratis.com/elingue) , d'ora in poi definita "ELINGUE", sono accessibili solo previa sottoscrizione di un abbonamento a pagamento e si possono utilizzare esclusivamente per uso personale e non commerciale con tassativa esclusione di ogni condivisione comunque effettuata. Tutti i diritti sono riservati. La riproduzione anche parziale è vietata senza autorizzazione scritta.
  • si precisa altresì che il nome del sito EnglishGratis, che ospita ELINGUE, è esclusivamente un marchio di fantasia e un nome di dominio internet che fa riferimento alla disponibilità sul sito di un numero molto elevato di risorse gratuite e non implica dunque in alcun modo una promessa di gratuità relativamente a prodotti e servizi nostri o di terze parti pubblicizzati a mezzo banner e link, o contrassegnati chiaramente come prodotti a pagamento (anche ma non solo con la menzione "Annuncio pubblicitario"), o comunque menzionati nelle pagine del sito ma non disponibili sulle pagine pubbliche, non protette da password, del sito stesso. In particolare sono esclusi dalle pretese di gratuità i seguenti prodotti a pagamento: il nuovo abbonamento ad ELINGUE, i corsi 20 ORE e le riviste English4Life. L'utente che abbia difficoltà a capire il significato del marchio English Gratis o la relazione tra risorse gratuite e risorse a pagamento è pregato di contattarci per le opportune delucidazioni PRIMA DI UTILIZZARE IL SITO onde evitare spiacevoli equivoci.
  • ELINGUE è riservato in linea di massima ad utenti singoli (privati o aziendali). Qualora si sia interessati ad abbonamenti multi-utente si prega di contattare la redazione per un'offerta ad hoc.
  • l'utente si impegna a non rivelare a nessuno i dati di accesso che gli verranno comunicati (nome utente e password)
  • coloro che si abbonano accettano di ricevere le nostre comunicazioni di servizio (newsletter e mail singole) che sono l'unico tramite di comunicazione tra noi e il nostro abbonato, e servono ad informare l'abbonato della scadenza imminente del suo abbonamento e a comunicargli in anticipo eventuali problematiche tecniche e di manutenzione che potrebbero comportare l'indisponibilità transitoria del sito.
  • Nel quadro di una totale trasparenza e cortesia verso l'utente, l'abbonamento NON si rinnova automaticamente. Per riabbonarsi l'utente dovrà di nuovo effettuare la procedura che ha dovuto compiere la prima volta che si è abbonato.
  • Le risorse costituite da codici di embed di YouTube e di altri siti che incoraggiano lo sharing delle loro risorse (video, libri, audio, immagini, foto ecc.) sono ovviamente di proprietà dei rispettivi siti. L'utente riconosce e accetta che 1) il sito di sharing che ce ne consente l'uso può in ogni momento revocare la disponibilità della risorsa 2) l'eventuale pubblicità che figura all'interno delle risorse non è inserita da noi ma dal sito di sharing 3) eventuali violazioni di copyright sono esclusiva responsabilità del sito di sharing mentre è ovviamente nostra cura scegliere risorse solo da siti di sharing che pratichino una politica rigorosa di controllo e interdizione delle violazioni di copyright.
  • Nel caso l'utente riscontri nel sito una qualsiasi violazione di copyright, è pregato di segnalarcelo immediatamente per consentirci interventi di verifica ed eventuale rimozione del contenuto in questione. I contenuti rimossi saranno, nel limite del possibile, sostituiti con altri contenuti analoghi che non violano il copyright.
  • I servizi linguistici da noi forniti sulle pagine del sito ma erogati da aziende esterne (per esempio, la traduzione interattiva di Google Translate e Bing Translate realizzata rispettivamente da Google e da Microsoft, la vocalizzazione Text To Speech dei testi inglesi fornita da ReadSpeaker, il vocabolario inglese-italiano offerto da Babylon con la sua Babylon Box, il servizio di commenti sociali DISQUS e altri) sono ovviamente responsabilità di queste aziende esterne. Trattandosi di servizi interattivi basati su web, possono esserci delle interruzioni di servizio in relazione ad eventi di manutenzione o di sovraccarico dei server su cui non abbiamo alcun modo di influire. Per esperienza, comunque, tali interruzioni sono rare e di brevissima durata, saremo comunque grati ai nostri utenti che ce le vorranno segnalare.
  • Per quanto riguarda i servizi di traduzione automatica l'utente prende atto che sono forniti "as is" dall'azienda esterna che ce li eroga (Google o Microsoft). Nonostante le ovvie limitazioni, sono strumenti in continuo perfezionamento e sono spesso in grado di fornire all'utente, anche professionale, degli ottimi suggerimenti e spunti per una migliore traduzione.
  • In merito all'utilizzabilità del sito ELINGUE su tablet e cellulari a standard iOs, Android, Windows Phone e Blackberry facciamo notare che l'assenza di standard comuni si ripercuote a volte sulla fruibilità di certe prestazioni tipiche del nostro sito (come il servizio ReadSpeaker e la traduzione automatica con Google Translate). Mentre da parte nostra è costante lo sforzo di rendere sempre più compatibili il nostro sito con il maggior numero di piattaforme mobili, non possiamo però assicurare il pieno raggiungimento di questo obiettivo in quanto non dipende solo da noi. Chi desidera abbonarsi è dunque pregato di verificare prima di perfezionare l'abbonamento la compatibilità del nostro sito con i suoi dispositivi informatici, mobili e non, utilizzando le pagine di esempio che riproducono una pagina tipo per ogni tipologia di risorsa presente sul nostro sito. Non saranno quindi accettati reclami da parte di utenti che, non avendo effettuato queste prove, si trovino poi a non avere un servizio corrispondente a quello sperato. In tutti i casi, facciamo presente che utilizzando browser come Chrome e Safari su pc non mobili (desktop o laptop tradizionali) si ha la massima compatibilità e che il tempo gioca a nostro favore in quanto mano a mano tutti i grandi produttori di browser e di piattaforme mobili stanno convergendo, ognuno alla propria velocità, verso standard comuni.
  • Il sito ELINGUE, diversamente da English Gratis che vive anche di pubblicità, persegue l'obiettivo di limitare o non avere affatto pubblicità sulle proprie pagine in modo da garantire a chi studia l'assenza di distrazioni. Le uniche eccezioni sono 1) la promozione di alcuni prodotti linguistici realizzati e/o garantiti da noi 2) le pubblicità incorporate dai siti di sharing direttamente nelle risorse embeddate che non siamo in grado di escludere 3) le pubblicità eventualmente presenti nei box e player che servono ad erogare i servizi linguistici interattivi prima citati (Google, Microsoft, ReadSpeaker, Babylon ecc.).
  • Per quanto riguarda le problematiche della privacy, non effettuiamo alcun tracciamento dell'attività dell'utente sul nostro sito neppure a fini statistici. Tuttavia non possiamo escludere che le aziende esterne che ci offrono i loro servizi o le loro risorse in modalità sharing effettuino delle operazioni volte a tracciare le attività dell'utente sul nostro sito. Consigliamo quindi all'utente di utilizzare browser che consentano la disattivazione in blocco dei tracciamenti o l'inserimento di apposite estensioni di browser come Ghostery che consentono all'utente di bloccare direttamente sui browser ogni agente di tracciamento.
  • Le risposte agli utenti nella sezione di commenti sociali DISQUS sono fornite all'interno di precisi limiti di accettabilità dei quesiti posti dall'utente. Questi limiti hanno lo scopo di evitare che il servizio possa essere "abusato" attraverso la raccolta e sottoposizione alla redazione di ELINGUE di centinaia o migliaia di quesiti che intaserebbero il lavoro della redazione. Si prega pertanto l'utente di leggere attentamente e comprendere le seguenti limitazioni d'uso del servizio:
    - il servizio è moderato per garantire che non vengano pubblicati contenuti fuori tema o inadatti all'ambiente di studio online
    - la redazione di ELINGUE si riserva il diritto di editare gli interventi degli utenti per correzioni ortografiche e per chiarezza
    - il servizio è erogato solo agli utenti abbonati registrati gratuitamente al servizio di commenti sociali DISQUS
    - l'utente non può formulare più di un quesito al giorno
    - un quesito non può contenere, salvo eccezioni, più di una domanda
    - un utente non può assumere più nomi, identità o account di Disqus per superare i limiti suddetti
    - nell'ambito del servizio non sono forniti servizi di traduzione
    - la redazione di ELINGUE gestisce la priorità delle risposte in modo insindacabile da parte dell'utente
    - in tutti i casi, la redazione di ELINGUE è libera in qualsiasi momento di de-registrare temporaneamente l'utente abbonato dal
      servizio DISQUS qualora sussistano fondati motivi a suo insindacabile giudizio. La misura verrà comunque attuata solo in casi di
      eccezionale gravità.
  • L'utente, inoltre, accetta di tenere Casiraghi Jones Publishing SRL indenne da qualsiasi tipo di responsabilità per l'uso - ed eventuali conseguenze di esso - delle informazioni linguistiche e grammaticali contenute sul sito, in particolare, nella sezione Disqus. Le nostre risposte grammaticali sono infatti improntate ad un criterio di praticità e pragmaticità che a volte è in conflitto con la rigidità delle regole "ufficiali" che tendono a proporre un inglese schematico e semplificato dimenticando la ricchezza e variabilità della lingua reale. Anche l'occasionale difformità tra le soluzioni degli esercizi e le regole grammaticali fornite nella grammatica va concepita come stimolo a formulare domande alla redazione onde poter spiegare più nei dettagli le particolarità della lingua inglese che non possono essere racchiuse in un'opera grammaticale di carattere meramente introduttivo come la nostra grammatica online.

    ELINGUE è un sito di Casiraghi Jones Publishing SRL
    Piazzale Cadorna 10 - 20123 Milano - Italia
    Tel. 02-36553040 - Fax 02-3535258 email: robertocasiraghi@iol.it 
    Iscritta al Registro Imprese di MILANO - C.F. e PARTITA IVA: 11603360154
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