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WIKIMAG n. 7 - Giugno 2013
Anti-globalization movement
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The anti-globalization movement, or counter-globalisation
movement,[1]
is critical of the
globalization of
corporate capitalism. The movement is also commonly referred to as
the
global justice movement,[2]
alter-globalization movement, anti-globalist movement,
anti-corporate globalization movement,[3]
or movement against
neoliberal globalization.
Participants base their criticisms on a number of related ideas.[4]
What is shared is that participants oppose what they see as large,
multi-national corporations having unregulated political power,
exercised through
trade agreements and deregulated financial markets. Specifically,
corporations are accused of seeking to maximize profit at the expense of
work safety conditions and standards, labor hiring and compensation
standards, environmental conservation principles, and the integrity of
national legislative authority, independence and sovereignty. As of
January, 2012, some commentators have characterized the unprecedented
changes in the global economy as "turbo-capitalism" (Edward
Luttwak), "market
fundamentalism" (George
Soros), "casino capitalism" (Susan
Strange),[5]
"cancer-stage capitalism" (John
McMurtry), and as "McWorld" (Benjamin
Barber).
Many anti-globalization activists call for forms of global
integration that better provide
democratic representation, advancement of
human rights,
fair trade and
sustainable development and therefore feel the term
"anti-globalization" is misleading.[6][7][8]
Ideology and
causes
Supporters believe that by the late 20th century those they
characterized as "ruling elites" sought to harness the expansion of
world markets for their own interests; this combination of the
Bretton Woods institutions, states, and multinational corporations
has been called "globalization"
or "globalization from above." In reaction, various social movements
emerged to challenge their influence; these movements have been called
"anti-globalization" or "globalization from below."[9]
Opposition to international financial institutions and transnational
corporations
Generally speaking, protesters believe that the global financial
institutions and agreements undermine local decision-making methods.
Corporations, using these economic institutions for their special
corporate and financial interests, exercising privileges that human
citizens cannot,[10]
including
- moving freely across borders,
- extracting desired
natural resources, and
- utilizing a diversity of
human resources.
Activists' goals are for an end to the legal status of "corporate
personhood" and the dissolution of
free market fundamentalism and the radical economic privatization
measures of the
World Bank,
International Monetary Fund, and
World Trade Organization.
The activists are especially opposed to the various abuses which they
think are perpetuated by globalization and the international
institutions that, they say, promote
neoliberalism without regard to ethical standards. Common targets
include the
World Bank (WB),
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and
the
World Trade Organization (WTO) and
free trade treaties like the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA),
Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), the Trans Pacific Trade
Agreement (TPPA), the
Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and the
General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). In light of the
economic gap between rich and poor countries, movement adherents claim
“free trade” without measures in place to protect the environment and
the health and well being of workers will contribute only to the
strengthening the power of industrialized nations (often termed the
"North" in opposition to the developing world's "South").
A report by
Jean Ziegler,
UN Special Rapporteur on the
right to food, notes that "millions of farmers are losing their
livelihoods in the developing countries, but small farmers in the
northern countries are also suffering" and concludes that "the current
inequities of the global trading system are being perpetuated rather
than resolved under the WTO, given the unequal balance of power between
member countries."
[11] Activists point to the unequal footing and power between
developed and developing nations within the WTO and with respect to
global trade, most specifically in relation to the protectionist
policies towards agriculture enacted in many developed countries. These
activists also point out that heavy subsidization of developed nations'
agriculture and the aggressive use of export subsidies by some developed
nations to make their agricultural products more attractive on the
international market are major causes of declines in the agricultural
sectors of many developing nations.
Global opposition to neoliberalism
Through the
Internet, a movement began to develop in opposition to the doctrines
of
neoliberalism which were widely manifested in the 1990s when the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
proposed liberalisation of cross-border investment and trade
restrictions through its
Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI). This treaty was
prematurely exposed to public scrutiny and subsequently abandoned in
November 1998 in the face of strenuous protest and criticism by national
and international
civil society representatives.
Neoliberal doctrine argued that untrammeled
free trade and reduction of public-sector regulation would bring
benefits to poor countries and to disadvantaged people in rich
countries. Anti-globalization advocates urge that preservation of the
natural environment, human rights (especially workplace rights and
conditions) and democratic institutions are likely to be placed at undue
risk by globalization unless mandatory standards are attached to
liberalisation.
Noam Chomsky stated in 2002 that
The term "globalization" has been appropriated by the powerful
to refer to a specific form of international economic
integration, one based on investor rights, with the interests of
people incidental. That is why the business press, in its more
honest moments, refers to the "free trade agreements" as "free
investment agreements" (Wall St. Journal). Accordingly,
advocates of other forms of globalization are described as
"anti-globalization"; and some, unfortunately, even accept this
term, though it is a term of
propaganda that should be dismissed with ridicule. No sane
person is opposed to globalization, that is, international
integration. Surely not the left and the workers movements,
which were founded on the principle of international
solidarity—that is, globalization in a form that attends to the
rights of people, not private power systems. [12]
Anti-war movement
-
By 2002, many parts of the movement showed wide opposition to the
impending
invasion of Iraq. Many participants were among those 11 million or
more protesters that on the weekend of February 15, 2003, participated
in global
protests against the imminent Iraq war and were dubbed the "world's
second superpower" by an editorial in the
New York Times.[13]
Other anti-war demonstrations were
organized by the antiglobalization movement: see for example the
large demonstration, organized against the impending war in Iraq, which
closed the first
European Social Forum in November, 2002 in
Florence,
Italy.[14]
Anti-globalization militants worried for a proper functioning of
democratic institutions as the leaders of many democratic countries (Spain,
Italy,
Poland
and the
United Kingdom) were acting against the wishes of the majorities of
their populations in supporting the war.[15][16]
Chomsky asserted that these leaders "showed their contempt for
democracy". Critics of this type of argument have tended to point out
that this is just a standard criticism of
representative democracy — a democratically elected government will
not always act in the direction of greatest current public support — and
that, therefore, there is no inconsistency in the leaders' positions
given that these countries are
parliamentary democracies.[citation
needed]
The
economic and
military issues are closely linked in the eyes of many within the
movement.
Appropriateness of the term
Many participants (see Noam Chomsky's quotes above) consider the term
"anti-globalization" to be a
misnomer. The term suggests that its followers support
protectionism and/or
nationalism, which is not always the case - in fact, some supporters
of anti-globalization are strong opponents of both nationalism and
protectionism: for example, the
No Border network argues for unrestricted migration and the
abolition of all national border controls.
S. A. Hamed Hosseini (an Australian sociologist and expert in global
social movement studies), argues that the term anti-globalization can be
ideal-typically used only to refer to only one ideological vision he
detects alongside three other visions (the
anti-globalist, the
alter-globalist and the
alter-globalization).[17]
He argues that the three latter ideal-typical visions can be categorized
under the title of
global justice movement. According to him, while the first two
visions (the alter-globalism and the anti-globalism) represent the
reconstructed forms of old and new left ideologies, respectively, in the
context of current globalization, only the third one has shown the
capacity to respond more effectively to the intellectual requirements of
today’s
global complexities. Underlying this vision is a new conception of
justice, coined
accommodative justice by Hosseini,[18]
a new approach towards cosmopolitanism (transversal
cosmopolitanism), a new mode of
activist knowledge (accommodative
consciousness), and a new format of solidarity,
interactive solidarity.
The term "anti-globalization" does not distinguish the international
left-wing anti-globalization position from a strictly nationalist
anti-globalization position. Many nationalist movements, such as the
French
National Front, Austrian Freedom Party, or the Italian
Lega
Nord
[19] are opposed to globalization, but argue that the
alternative to globalization is the protection of the
nation-state, sometimes, according to critics, in explicitly
racist or
fascist terms. Other groups, influenced by the
Third Position, are also classifiable as anti-globalization.
However, their overall world view is rejected by groups such as
Peoples Global Action and
anti-fascist groups such as
ANTIFA.
Some activists, notably
David Graeber, see the movement as opposed instead to
neoliberalism or "corporate
globalization". He argues that the term "anti-globalization" is a
term coined by the media, and that radical activists are actually more
in favor of globalization, in the sense of "effacement of borders and
the free movement of people, possessions and ideas" than are the IMF or
WTO. He also notes that activists use the terms "globalization movement"
and "anti-globalization movement" interchangeably, indicating the
confusion of the terminology.[20]
The term "alter-globalization" has been used to make this distinction
clear.
While the term "anti-globalization" arose from the movement's
opposition to
free-trade agreements (which have often been considered part of
something called "globalization"),
various participants contend they are opposed to only certain aspects of
globalization and instead describe themselves, at least in
French-speaking organisations, as "anti-capitalist",
"anti-plutocracy,"
or "anti-corporate."
Le Monde Diplomatique 's editor,
Ignacio Ramonet's, expression of "the one-way thought" (la
pensée unique) became slang against
neoliberal policies and the
Washington consensus.[21]
Influences
Anti- WEF
graffiti in
Lausanne. The writing reads: La croissance est une
folie ("Growth is madness").
Several influential critical works have inspired the
anti-globalization movement.
No Logo,
the book by the Canadian journalist
Naomi Klein who criticized the production practices of multinational
corporations and the omnipresence of brand-driven marketing in
popular culture, has become "manifesto"[22]
of the movement, presenting in a simple way themes more accurately
developed in other works. In India some intellectual references of the
movement can be found in the works of
Vandana Shiva, an ecologist and feminist, who in her book
Biopiracy documents the way that the
natural capital of
indigenous peoples and
ecoregions is converted into forms of
intellectual capital, which are then recognized as
exclusive commercial property without sharing the private utility
thus derived. The writer
Arundhati Roy is famous for her anti-nuclear position and her
activism against India's massive hydroelectric dam project, sponsored by
the
World Bank. In France the well-known monthly paper
Le Monde Diplomatique has advocated the antiglobalization cause
and an editorial of its director
Ignacio Ramonet brought about the foundation of the association
ATTAC.
Susan George of the
Transnational Institute has also been a long-term influence on the
movement, as the writer of books since 1986 on hunger, debt,
international financial institutions and capitalism. The works of
Jean Ziegler,
Christopher Chase-Dunn, and
Immanuel Wallerstein have detailed underdevelopment and dependence
in a world ruled by the capitalist system. Pacifist and anti-imperialist
traditions have strongly influenced the movement. Critics of
United States foreign policy such as
Noam Chomsky,
Susan Sontag, and anti-globalist pranksters
The Yes Men are widely accepted inside the movement.
Although they may not recognize themselves as antiglobalists and are
pro-capitalism, some economists who don't share the neoliberal approach
of international economic institutions have strongly influenced the
movement.
Amartya Sen's Development as Freedom (Nobel
Prize in Economics, 1999), argues that third world development must
be understood as the expansion of human capability, not simply the
increase in national income per capita, and thus requires policies
attuned to health and education, not simply GDP.
James Tobin's (winner of the
Nobel Prize in Economics) proposal for a tax on financial
transactions (called, after him, the
Tobin
tax) has become part of the agenda of the movement. Also,
George Soros,
Joseph E. Stiglitz (another Economic Sciences Nobel prize winner,
formerly of the World Bank, author of
Globalization and Its Discontents) and
David Korten have made arguments for drastically improving
transparency, for
debt relief,
land reform, and restructuring
corporate accountability systems. Korten and Stiglitz's contribution
to the movement include involvement in
direct actions and street protest.
In some Roman Catholic countries such as
Italy
there have been religious influences, especially from missionaries who
have spent a long time in the
Third World (the most famous being
Alex Zanotelli).
Internet sources and free-information websites, such as
Indymedia, are a means of diffusion of the movement's ideas. The
vast array of material on spiritual movements,
anarchism,
libertarian socialism and the
Green Movement that is now available on the Internet has been
perhaps more influential than any printed book.
Organization
Although over the past years more emphasis has been given to the
construction of grassroots alternatives to (capitalist) globalization,
the movement's largest and most visible mode of organizing remains mass
decentralized campaigns of direct action and civil disobedience. This
mode of organizing, sometimes under the banner of the
Peoples' Global Action network, tries to tie the many disparate
causes together into one global struggle. In many ways the process of
organizing matters overall can be more important to activists than the
avowed goals or achievements of any component of the movement.
At corporate summits, the stated goal of most demonstrations is to
stop the proceedings. Although the demonstrations rarely succeed in more
than delaying or inconveniencing the actual summits, this motivates the
mobilizations and gives them a visible, short-term purpose. This form of
publicity is expensive in police time and the public purse. Rioting has
occurred at some protests, for instance in Genoa, Seattle and London -
and extensive damage was done to the area, especially targeting
corporations, including
McDonald's and
Starbucks restaurants.
Despite, or perhaps because of, the lack of formal coordinating
bodies, the movement manages to successfully organize large protests on
a global basis, using
information technology to spread information and organize.
Protesters organize themselves into "affinity
groups," typically non-hierarchical groups of people who live close
together and share a common political goal. Affinity groups will then
send representatives to planning meetings. However, because these groups
can be infiltrated by law enforcement intelligence, important plans of
the protests are often not made until the last minute. One common tactic
of the protests is to split up based on willingness to break the law.
This is designed, with varying success, to protect the risk-averse from
the physical and legal dangers posed by confrontations with law
enforcement. For example, in
Prague
during the
anti-IMF and World Bank protests in September 2000 demonstrators
split into three distinct groups, approaching the conference center from
three directions: one engaging in various forms of civil disobedience
(the Yellow march), one (the Pink/Silver march) advancing through "tactical
frivolity" (costume, dance, theatre, music, and artwork), and one
(the Blue march) engaging in violent conflicts with the baton-armed
police, with the protesters throwing cobblestones lifted from the
street.[23]
These demonstrations come to resemble small societies in themselves.
Many protesters take training in first aid and act as medics to other
injured protesters. In the USA, some organizations like the
National Lawyer's Guild and, to a lesser extent, the
American Civil Liberties Union, provide legal witnesses in case of
law enforcement confrontation. Protesters often claim that major media
outlets do not properly report on them; therefore, some of them created
the
Independent Media Center, a collective of protesters reporting on
the actions as they happen.
Key
grassroots organizations
Demonstrations and appointments
Berlin88
The Annual Meetings of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the
World Bank, that took place in Berlin in 1988 (in the part of the
city that was then part of the
Federal
Republic of Germany), saw strong protests that can be categorized as
a precursor of the anti-globalization movement.[original
research?][24]
One of the main and failed objectives (as it was to be so many times in
the future) was to derail the meetings.[citation
needed][25]
Paris89
A counter summit against G7 was organized in Paris in July 1989. The
event was called "ca suffa comme ci" ("we had enough")and principally
aimed at cancelling the debt contracted by southern countries. A
demonstration gathered 10 000 people and an important concert was held
in la Bastille square with 200 000 people. It was the first anti-G7
event, fourteen years before that of Washington. The main political
consequence was that France took position to favour debt cancellation.
Madrid94
The 50th anniversary of the IMF and the
World Bank, which was celebrated in
Madrid
in October 1994, was the scene of a protest by an ad-hoc coalition of
what would later be called anti-globalization movements. Starting from
the mid-1990s, Annual Meetings of the IMF and the World Bank Group have
become center points for anti-globalization movement protests. They
tried to drown the bankers' parties in noise from outside and held other
public forms of protest under the motto "50 Years is Enough". While
Spanish
King Juan Carlos was addressing the participants in a huge
exhibition hall, two
Greenpeace activists climbed to the top and showered the bankers
with fake dollar bills carrying the slogan "No $s for
Ozone Layer Destruction". A number of the demonstrators were sent to
the notorious
Carabanchel prison.
J18
One of the first international anti-globalization protests was
organized in dozens of cities around the world on June 18, 1999, with
those in
London and
Eugene,
Oregon most often noted. The drive was called the
Carnival Against Capital, or
J18 for short. The day coincided with the 25th G8 Summit in Cologne,
Germany. The protest in Eugene turned into a riot where local
anarchists drove police out of a small park. One anarchist,
Robert Thaxton, was arrested and convicted of throwing a rock at a
police officer.
Seattle/N30
The second major mobilization of the movement, known as N30, occurred
on November 30, 1999, when protesters blocked delegates' entrance to WTO
meetings in
Seattle,
Washington,
USA. The protests forced the cancellation of the opening ceremonies
and lasted the length of the meeting until December 3. There was a
large, permitted march by members of the
AFL-CIO, and other unauthorized marches by assorted affinity groups
who converged around the Convention Center.[26][27]
The protesters and Seattle riot police clashed in the streets after
police fired
tear
gas at demonstrators who blocked the streets and refused to
disperse. Over 600 protesters were arrested and thousands were injured.[28]
Three policemen were injured by
friendly fire, and one by a thrown rock. Some protesters destroyed
the windows of storefronts of businesses owned or franchised by targeted
corporations such as a large
Nike shop and many
Starbucks windows. The mayor put the city under the municipal
equivalent of
martial law and declared a
curfew.
As of 2002, the city of Seattle had paid over $200,000 in settlements of
lawsuits filed against the
Seattle Police Department for assault and wrongful arrest, with a
class action lawsuit still pending.
Washington A16
In April 2000, 10-15,000[29]
protesters demonstrated at the IMF, and World Bank meeting.[30][31][32]
International Forum on Globalization (IFG) held training at Foundry
United Methodist Church.[33]
Police raided a staging warehouse on Florida Avenue.[34][35][36]
678 people were arrested.[37]
Three-time
Pulitzer Prize winning,
Washington Post photographer
Carol Guzy was detained by police and arrested on April 15, and two
journalists for the
Associated Press also reported being struck by police with batons.[38]
A lawsuit was filed for false arrest.[39]
In November 2009, the suits were settled, with $13 million damages
awarded.[40][41][42]
Washington D.C.
2002
In September 2002, estimated number of 1500-2000 people gathered to
demonstrate against the Annual Meetings of IMF and World Bank in the
streets of Washington D.C. Protesting groups included the
Anti-Capitalist Convergence, the Mobilization for Global Justice.[43]
649 people were reported arrested, five were charged with destruction of
property, while the others were charged with parading without a permit,
or failing to obey police orders to disperse.[44][45]
At least 17 reporters were in the round-up.[46][47]
Protestors sued in Federal Court about the arrests.[48]
The D.C. Attorney General had outside counsel investigate apparent
destruction of evidence,[49][50]
and forensic investigations continue,[51][52][53]
and the testimony of the Chief of Police.[54]
A settlement to the class-action lawsuit was announced for about $8.25
million.[55]
Law
enforcement reaction
Although local police were surprised by the size of N30, law
enforcement agencies have since reacted worldwide to prevent the
disruption of future events by a variety of tactics, including sheer
weight of numbers, infiltrating the groups to determine their plans, and
preparations for the use of force to remove protesters.
At the site of some of the protests, police have used tear gas,
pepper spray, concussion grenades, rubber and wooden bullets, night
sticks, water cannons, dogs, and horses to repel the protesters. After
the November 2000
G8 protest in
Montreal, at which many protesters were beaten, trampled, and
arrested in what was intended to be a festive protest, the tactic of
dividing protests into "green" (permitted), "yellow" (not officially
permitted but with little confrontation and low risk of arrest), and
"red" (involving direct confrontation) zones was introduced[citation
needed].
In
Quebec City, municipal officials built a 3 metre (10 ft) high wall
around the portion of the city where the
Summit of the Americas was being held, which only residents,
delegates to the summit, and certain accredited journalists were allowed
to pass through[citation
needed].
Genoa
The
Genoa Group of Eight Summit protest from July 18 to July 22, 2001
was one of the bloodiest protests in Western Europe's recent history, as
evidenced by the wounding of hundreds of policemen and civilians forced
to lock themselves inside of their homes and the death of a young
Genoese
anarchist named
Carlo Giuliani—who was shot in the face while trying to throw a fire
extinguisher on a police car—during two days of violence and rioting by
fringe groups supported by the nonchalance of more consistent and
peaceful masses of protesters, and the hospitalisation of several of
those peaceful demonstrators just mentioned. Police have subsequently
been accused of brutality, torture and interference with the non-violent
protests as a collateral damage provoked by the clash between the law
enforcement ranks themselves and the more violent and brutal fringes of
protesters, who repeatedly hid themselves amongst peaceful protesters of
all ages and backgrounds. Several hundred peaceful demonstrators,
rioters, and police were injured and hundreds were arrested during the
days surrounding the G8 meeting; most of those arrested have been
charged with some form of "criminal association" under Italy's anti-mafia
and anti-terrorist
laws. No consistent investigation has been put forth against the violent
protesters, mainly due to the difficulties encountered in identification
of the many masked protesters and the fierce opposition at Congress held
by most of the left-wing parties, such as the Communist Party and
current PM Romano Prodi's Union coalition.
Eight years have passed, and the city of Genoa is still trying to
recover from the many damages provoked by the rioters, mainly devoted to
crash cars, setting stores on fire, robbing banks and using any heavy or
pointed object as a means to provoke damage to people and objects.[citation
needed]
Larzac2003
Known as Larzac 2003, the gathering was held over three days in
August and attracted an estimated 300.000 people to a series of concerts
and political forums.
International social forums
- See main articles:
Social forum,
European Social Forum,
Asian Social Forum,
World Social Forum.
The first World Social Forum (WSF) in 2001 was an initiative of
Oded Grajew,
Chico Whitaker, and
Bernard Cassen. It was supported by the city of
Porto Alegre (where it took place) and the
Brazilian Worker's Party. The motivation was to constitute a
counter-event to the
World Economic Forum held in
Davos at
the same time. The slogan of the WSF is "Another World Is Possible". An
International Council (IC) was set up to discuss and decide major
issues regarding the WSF, while the local organizing committee in the
host city is responsible for the practical preparations of the event.[56][57]
In June 2001, the IC adopted the World Social Forum Charter of
Principles, which provides a framework for international, national, and
local Social Forums worldwide.[58]
The WSF became a periodic meeting: in 2002 and 2003 it was held again
in Porto Alegre and became a rallying point for worldwide protest
against the American invasion of Iraq. In 2004 it was moved to
Mumbai
(formerly known as Bombay, in
India),
to make it more accessible to the populations of Asia and Africa. This
appointment saw the participation of 75,000 delegates. In 2006 it was
held in three cities:
Caracas
(Venezuela),
Bamako
(Mali), and
Karachi
(Pakistan). In 2007, the Forum was hosted in
Nairobi
(Kenya).
2009 the Forum returned to Brazil, where it took place in
Belém.
2011, the Forum is scheduled to take place in
Dakar (Senegal).
The idea of creating a meeting place for organizations and
individuals opposed to Neoliberalism was soon replicated at other
geographic scales. The first
European Social Forum (ESF) was held in November 2002 in
Florence. The slogan was "Against the war, against racism and
against neo-liberalism". It saw the participation of 60,000 delegates
and ended with a huge demonstration against the war (1,000,000 people
according to the organizers). The following ESFs took place in
Paris
(2003),
London (2004),
Athens
(2006), and
Malmö (2008). The next ESF is scheduled to take place in
Istanbul in 2010.
In many countries Social Forums of national and local scope where
also held.
Recently there has been some discussion behind the movement about the
role of the social forums. Some see them as a "popular university", an
occasion to make many people aware of the problems of globalization.
Others would prefer that delegates concentrate their efforts on the
coordination and organization of the movement and on the planning of new
campaigns. However it has often been argued that in the dominated
countries (most of the world) the WSF is little more than an 'NGO fair'
driven by Northern NGOs and donors most of which are hostile to popular
movements of the poor.[59]
Criticisms
The anti-globalization movement has been criticized by politicians,
members of
conservative
think tanks, and many mainstream
economists.[60]
Lack of evidence
Critics assert that the empirical evidence does not support the views
of the anti-globalization movement. These critics point to statistical
trends which are interpreted to be results of globalization, capitalism,
and the economic growth they encourage.
- There has been an absolute decrease in the percentage of people
in developing countries living below $1 per day in east Asia
(adjusted for inflation and purchasing power). Sub Saharan Africa,
as an area that felt the consequences of poor governance and was
less responsive to globalisation, has seen an increase in poverty
while all other areas of the world have seen no change in rates.[61]
- The world income per head has increased by more over period
2002–2007 than during any other period on the record.[62]
- The increase in
universal suffrage, from no nations in 1900 to 62.5% of all
nations in 2000.[63]
- There are similar trends for electric power, cars, radios, and
telephones per capita as well as the percentage of the population
with access to clean water.[64]
However 1.4 billion people still live without clean drinking water
and 2.6 billion of the world’s population lack access to proper
sanitation.[65]
Access to clean water has actually decreased in the world's poorest
nations, often those that have not been as involved in
globalisation.[66]
Members of the anti-globalization movement argue that positive data
from countries which largely ignored neoliberal prescriptions, notably
China, discredits the evidence that pro-globalists present. For example,
concerning the parameter of per capita income growth, development
economist
Ha-Joon Chang writes that considering the record of the last two
decades the argument for continuing neo-liberal policy prescriptions are
"simply untenable." Noting that "It depends on the data we use, but
roughly speaking, per capita income in developing countries grew at 3%
per year between 1960 and 1980, but has grown only at about 1.5% between
1980 and 2000. And even this 1.5% will be reduced to 1%, if we take out
India and China, which have not pursued liberal trade and industrial
policies recommended by the developed countries."[67]
Jagdish Bhagwati argues that reforms that opened up the economies of
China and India contributed to their higher growth in 1980s and 1990s.
From 1980 to 2000 their GDP grew at average rate of 10 and 6 percent
respectively. This was accompanied by reduction of poverty from 28
percent in 1978 to 9 percent in 1998 in China, and from 51 percent in
1978 to 26 percent in 2000 in India.[68]
Likewise, Joseph E. Stiglitz, speaking not only on China but East Asia
in general, comments "The countries that have managed
globalization...such as those in East Asia, have, by and large, ensured
that they reaped huge benefits..."[69]
According to
The Heritage Foundation, development in China was anticipated by
Milton Friedman, who predicted that even a small progress towards
economic liberalization would produce dramatic and positive effects.
China's economy had grown together with its
economic freedom.[70]
Critics of corporate-led globalization have expressed concern about the
methodology used in arriving at the World Bank's statistics and argue
that more detailed variables measuring poverty should be studied.[71][72]
According to the
Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), the period from
1980–2005 has seen diminished progress in terms of economic growth, life
expectancy, infant and child mortality, and to a lesser extent
education.[73]
Disorganization
One of the most common criticisms of the movement, which does not
necessarily come from its opponents, is simply that the
anti-globalization movement lacks coherent goals, and that the views of
different protesters are often in opposition to each other.[74]
Many members of the movement are also aware of this, and argue that, as
long as they have a common opponent, they should march together - even
if they don't share exactly the same political vision. Writers
Michael Hardt &
Antonio Negri have together in their books (Empire &
Multitude) expanded on this idea of a disunified
multitude: humans coming together for shared causes, but lacking the
complete sameness of the notion of 'the people'.
Lack of
effectiveness
One argument often made by the opponents of the anti-globalization
movement (especially by
The Economist), is that one of the major causes of poverty
amongst third-world farmers are the trade barriers put up by rich
nations and poor nations alike. The
WTO is an organisation set up to work towards removing those trade
barriers. Therefore, it is argued, people really concerned about the
plight of the third world should actually be encouraging free trade,
rather than attempting to fight it. Specifically, commodities such as
sugar are heavily distorted by subsidies on behalf of powerful economies
(the United States, Europe, and Japan), who have a disproportionate
influence in the WTO. As a result, producers in these countries often
receive 2-3x the world market price. As Amani Elobeid and John Beghin
note, the world price might decline by as much as 48% (by 2011 / 2012
baselines) were these distortions to be removed
[75]
Many supporters of globalization think that policies different from
those of today should be pursued, although not necessarily those
advocated by the anti-globalization movement. For example, some see the
World Bank and the IMF as corrupt bureaucracies which have given
repeated loans to dictators who never do any reforms. Some, like
Hernando De Soto, argue that much of the poverty in the Third World
countries is caused by the lack of Western systems of laws and
well-defined and universally recognized
property rights. De Soto argues that because of the legal barriers
poor people in those countries can not utilize their assets to produce
more wealth.[76]
Lack of widespread "Third World" support
Critics have asserted that people from poor countries (the
Third World) have been relatively accepting and supportive of
globalization while the strongest opposition to globalization has come
from wealthy "First
World" activists, unions and NGOs. Alan Shipman, author of "The
Globalization Myth" accuses the anti-globalization movement of "defusing
the Western class war by shifting alienation and exploitation to
developing-country sweatshops." He later goes on to claim that the
anti-globalization movement has failed to attract widespread support
from poor and working people from the Third World, and that its
"strongest and most uncomprehending critics had always been the workers
whose liberation from employment they were trying to secure."
[77]
These critics assert that people from the Third World see the
anti-globalization movement as a threat to their jobs, wages, consuming
options and livelihoods, and that a cessation or reversal of
globalization would result in many people in poor countries being left
in greater poverty.
Jesús F. Reyes Heroles the former Mexican Ambassador to the US,
stated that "In a poor country like ours, the alternative to low-paid
jobs isn't well-paid ones, it's no jobs at all."[78]
Egypt's Ambassador to the UN has also stated "The question is why all
of a sudden, when third world labour has proved to be competitive, why
do industrial countries start feeling concerned about our workers? When
all of a sudden there is a concern about the welfare of our workers, it
is suspicious."[79]
On the other hand, there have been notable protests against certain
globalization policies by Third World workers as in the cause of Indian
farmers protesting against patenting seeds.[80]
In last few years, many Third World countries (esp. Latin America and
Caribbean) created alter-globalization organizations as economic blocs
Mercosur and Unasur, political community CELAC or Bank of the South
which supporting development of Third World countries without
restrictions like IMF or World Bank.
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