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WIKIMAG n. 10 - Settembre 2013
Deindustrialization
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Deindustrialization (also spelled
deindustrialisation) is a process of
social
and
economic change caused by the removal or reduction of
industrial capacity or activity in a country or region, especially
heavy industry or manufacturing industry. It is the opposite of
industrialization.
Multiple
interpretations
There are multiple interpretations of what this process is.
Cairncross (1982) and Lever (1991) offer four possible definitions of
deindustrialization:
- A straightforward decline in the output of manufactured goods or
in
employment in the
manufacturing sector. This, however, can be misleading because
short-run or cyclical downturns may be misinterpreted as long-run
deindustrialization
- A shift from manufacturing to the
service sectors, so that manufacturing has a lower share of
total output or employment. This may also be misleading, however, as
such a shift may occur even if manufacturing is growing in absolute
terms
- That manufactured goods comprise a declining share of external
trade,
so that there is a progressive failure to achieve a sufficient
surplus of
exports over
imports to maintain an economy in external balance
- A continuing state of
balance of trade deficit (as described in the third definition
above) that accumulates to the extent that a country or region is
unable to pay for necessary imports to sustain further production of
goods, thus initiating a further downward spiral of economic decline
Colonization of different Asian countries by
European powers between 18th-20th centuries led to fall in
manufacturing and further fall in global GDP share of Asian countries
mainly India,
China and
South-East Asia.
[1] This Process is also called
deindustrialization
Explanations
Theories that predict or explain deindustrialization have a long
intellectual lineage.
Rowthorn (1992) argues that
Marx's theory of declining (industrial) profit may be regarded as
one of the earliest. This theory argues that technological innovation
enables more efficient means of production, resulting in increased
physical productivity, i.e., a greater output of use value per unit of
capital invested. In parallel, however, technological innovations
replace people with machinery, and the organic composition of capital
increases. Assuming only labor can produce new additional value, this
greater physical output embodies a smaller value and surplus value. The
average rate of industrial profit therefore declines in the longer term.
Rowthorn and Wells (1987) distinguish between deindustrialization
explanations that see it as a positive process of, for example, maturity
of the economy, and those that associate deindustrialization with
negative factors like bad economic performance. They suggest
deindustrialization may be both an effect and a cause of poor economic
performance.
Pitelis and Antonakis (2003) suggest that, to the extent that
manufacturing is characterized by higher productivity, this leads, all
other things being equal, to a reduction in relative cost of
manufacturing products, thus a reduction in the relative share of
manufacturing (provided manufacturing and services are characterized by
relatively inelastic demand). Moreover, to the extent that manufacturing
firms downsize through, e.g., outsourcing, contracting out, etc., this
reduces manufacturing share without negatively influencing the economy.
Indeed, it potentially has positive effects, provided such actions
increase firm productivity and performance.
George Reisman (2002) identified
inflation as a contributor to deindustrialization. In his analysis,
the process of
fiat money inflation distorts the economic calculations necessary to
operate
capital-intensive manufacturing enterprises, and makes the
investments necessary for sustaining the operations of such enterprises
unprofitable.
Institutional arrangements have also contributed to
deindustrialization such as
economic restructuring. With breakthroughs in transportation,
communication and information technology, a globalized economy that
encouraged
foreign direct investment, capital mobility and labor migration, and
new
economic theory's emphasis on specialized
factor endowments, manufacturing moved to lower-cost sites and in
its place service sector and financial agglomerations concentrated in
urban areas (Bluestone & Harrison 1982, Logan & Swanstrom 1990).
The term de-industrialization crisis has been used to describe
the decline of labor intensive industry in a number of countries and the
flight of jobs away from cities. One example is labor intensive
manufacturing. After free-trade agreements were instituted with less
developed nations in the 1980s and 1990s, labor intensive manufacturers
relocated production facilities to
third world countries with much lower wages and lower standards. In
addition, technological inventions that required less manual labor
eliminated many manufacturing jobs.
By country
Australia
Although literature (Brady et al. 2007, Feinstein 1999, and Lee 2005)
indicates the occurrence of deindustrialization in
Australia, industrial employment and output in the country have been
steady. Industrial output has been stable since 1975, according to
OECD (2008) data, and has been increasing gradually since 2001.
Industrial employment has also been stable since 1964, actually
increasing since 2001. It is notable that employment in the service
sector has been increasing substantially since 1964, with the most
dramatic rises occurring from 1995 onward. At the same time, employment
in agriculture was steady from 1964 until 2000 when it began to
decrease. These contradictions imply that Australia is not
deindustrializing. The country has shifted to service oriented
production however, with 70% of the GDP resulting from the service
sector and only 26% from the industrial sector.
Austria
Austria has many indicators that justifies labeling them as a
deindustrializing country. Data collected from the OECD for Austria has
shown that since 1956 total employment did grow until 1994 and since
then has remained relatively steady. Employment in industry and
construction, however, has declined steadily as service sector
employment has steadily increased. Data also shows that even as
employment in industry and construction has decreased, industry
productivity has continued to grow. Austrian unemployment has steadily
increased since 1983 due to deindustrialization. Austria was one of
countries in a study that showed that increasing overall unemployment
was significantly related to manufacturing unemployment. Austria's
foreign and domestic policy has made deindustrialization possible. High
labor taxes and high withholding taxes repel low skill immigration as
low capital taxes enables domestic capital investment. Stern banking
secrecy policies, no withholding taxes for non-residents, joining the
European Union, and adopting the
Euro
enabled substantial growth in Austria's services sector.
Belgium
Data taken from the OECD website shows that industrial employment in
Belgium rose between 1999 and 2000 and then declined until 2003, rising
again until 2006. The overall trend in industrial employment in Belgium,
however, is still a decline. OECD data also shows that production and
sales of total industry in Belgium has been on the rise since 1955 with
the exception of small declines during a few years. Despite this trend,
deindustrialization is occurring at fairly rapid rates in Belgium.
Variables such as large population increases and regional discrepancies
account for these misleading statistics. Deindustrialization is hitting
the region of Wallonia much harder than the region of Flanders. Wallonia
remains much more impoverished and has an unemployment rate of about 17%
(twice that of the unemployment rate in Flanders). Other Statistics
displaying the effects of deiundustrialization in Belgium is the rise in
employment in the service sector from 1999 until 2006. Today, industry
is much less significant in Belgium than it has been in previous years.
Canada
Much of the academic literature pertaining to
Canada
hints at deindustrialization as a problem. However over the past fifty
years, according to 2008 OECD data, industrial production and employment
have been steadily increasing. Industrial production leveled off a bit
between 2004–2007, but its production levels are the highest that
they've ever been. The perception of deindustrialization that the
literature refers to deals with the fact that although employment and
economic production have risen, the economy has shifted drastically from
manufacturing jobs to service sector jobs. Only 13% of the current
Canadian population has a job in the industrial sector. Technological
advancements in industry over the past fifty years have allowed for
industrial production to keep rising during the Canadian economic shift
to the service sector. 69% of the
GDP of Canada comes from the service sector. (CIA
World Factbook 2008)
Denmark
Regarding Denmark’s industry, the country does not appear to be
deindustrialising as a whole. Literature (Goldsmith and Larsen 2004) has
stated that perhaps Denmark’s size and “Nordic style” of governing has
allowed it to hide from the detrimental effects of globalization. Both
men’s and women’s labor statistics (OECD data 2008) show a steady
increase over the past decade. Despite a slight dip from 2001 to 2003,
overall employment in Denmark has been at a steady increase since 1995.
Denmark’s total industry output has also been on the rise since the
1974, despite an economic recession from 1987 to 1993. The country’s
high employment and low unemployment rates have improved the production
industry and the high tax rates have strengthened the economy.[citation
needed]
Finland
Based on the data from the OECD website, Finland has been
industrialising according to industrial employment and industrial
production statistics. Finland has been considered very resilient based
on its remarkable economic comeback after their recession in 1990 due to
the fall of the Soviet Union. During this time production of total
industry and civilian employment in industry declined rapidly. Finland
has been ranked number one three times in the World Economic Forum
competitiveness studies as one of the most developed IT economies since
2000. Since the 1990 recession, which was one of the largest in European
history, Finland has managed to soar back to the top of the economic
ladder. Finland has done so by focusing strongly on education. After
their recession, Finland invested its money on boosting R&D, education,
and retraining workers that had lost their job due to the recession.
With its investment in education, Finland has succeeded in increasing
some of its industries. For example, the forest industry now specializes
in high-quality papers. As a result of investment in education and
technology, Finland is now one of the world’s largest producers of
paper-making machinery. According to the statistics on the OECD website,
Finland is not deindustrialising.
France
Data for France indicates that while employment in industry relative
to the total French economy has decreased, there is a lack of sound
evidence pointing to an overall trend of deindustrialization. Research
(Lee 2005, Feinstein 1999) shows that at the same time relative
employment in industry is decreasing, total production in industry has
almost quadrupled since the mid 20th century, leveling off only since
about the year 2000 (OECD 2008). Lee shows that between 1962 and 1995,
employment in industry in France fell 13.1% (2005:table 1). Advances in
technology that allow for higher output by fewer employees, coupled with
a change in the type of products manufactured domestically, such as the
high-tech electronics now manufactured in France, explain negative
relationship of employment and output in French industry. Thus, it may
feel like deindustrialization is occurring because of the relative
decrease of employment or highly publicised cases of outsourcing, yet
the data suggest industry production in France is not suffering.[original
research?]
Germany
Historic
In occupied Germany after
World War II the
Morgenthau Plan was implemented,[2]
although not in its most extreme version.[2]
The plan was present in the U.S. occupation directive
JCS 1067[3][4]
and in the Allied "industrial
disarmament" plans.[4]
On February 2, 1946, a dispatch from Berlin reported:
Some progress has been made in converting Germany to an
agricultural and light industry economy, said Brigadier General
William H. Draper, Jr., chief of the American Economics Division,
who emphasised that there was general agreement on that plan. He
explained that Germany’s future industrial and economic pattern was
being drawn for a population of 66,500,000. On that basis, he said,
the nation will need large imports of food and raw materials to
maintain a minimum standard of living. General agreement, he
continued, had been reached on the types of German exports —
coal,
coke, electrical equipment,
leather goods,
beer,
wines,
spirits, toys, musical instruments, textiles and apparel — to take
the place of the heavy industrial products that formed most of
Germany's pre-war exports.[5]
According to some historians the U.S. government abandoned the
Morgenthau plan as policy in September 1946 with
Secretary of State
James F. Byrnes' speech
Restatement of Policy on Germany.[6]
Others have argued that credit should be given to former
U.S.President
Herbert Hoover who in one of
his reports from Germany, dated March 18, 1947, argued for a change
in occupation policy, amongst other things stating:
- "There is the illusion that the New Germany left after the
annexations can be reduced to a 'pastoral state'. It cannot be done
unless we exterminate or move 25,000,000 people out of it."[7]
Worries about the sluggish recovery of the European economy, which
before the war had depended on the German industrial base, and growing
Soviet influence amongst a German population subject to food shortages
and economic misery, caused the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Generals
Clay and
Marshall to start lobbying the
Truman administration for a change of policy.[8]
In July 1947, President Harry S. Truman rescinded on "national
security grounds"[9]
the punitive occupation directive JCS 1067, which had directed the U.S.
forces of occupation in Germany to "take no steps looking toward the
economic rehabilitation of Germany [or] designed to maintain or
strengthen the German economy", it was replaced by JCS 1779, which
instead noted that "[a]n orderly, prosperous Europe requires the
economic contributions of a stable and productive Germany."[10]
It had taken over two months for General Clay to overcome continued
resistance to the new directive JCS 1779, but on July 10, 1947, it was
finally approved at a meeting of the SWNCC. The final version of the
document "was purged of the most important elements of the Morgenthau
plan."[11]
Dismantling of (West) German industry ended in 1951, but "industrial
disarmament" lingered in restrictions on actual German Steel production,
and production capacity, as well as on restriction on key industries.
All remaining restrictions were finally rescinded on May 5, 1955. "The
last act of the Morgenthau drama occurred on that date or when the
Saar was returned to Germany."[4]
Vladimir Petrov concluded: "The victorious Allies … delayed by
several years the economic reconstruction of the war torn continent, a
reconstruction which subsequently cost the US billions of dollars."[12]
Currently
In the early 2000s, the unemployment in
Germany
was very high, while industrial output was steadily increasing.
Germany's startling unemployment rate of roughly seven percent (OECD,
2008) is by and large due to the continuing struggles with the
reunification process between East and West Germany that began in 1990.
However, the unemployment rate has been declining since 2005, when it
reached its peak of over ten percent. In the 2010s, Germany's
unemployment rate has been one of the lowest in continental Europe.
Germany's economy was ranked third largest in the world (measured by
GDP, Wikipedia, 2008), and exports over a trillion dollars worth of
goods every year. This notion of deindustrialization may be an
inaccurate label for what is really happening in Germany. Germany is
producing more with less labor; a product of improving efficiency.
Another factor that is camouflaged by deindustrialization is that the
labour market has shifted from industry to service. On the surface, it
appears that deindustrialisation is occurring in Germany (and all over
the world), but it may be just a shift in interests that are generating
these statistics. 33.4% of Germany's workforce is in the industrial
sector, whereas 63.8% work in the service sector (and the remainder work
in agriculture). Germany's recent history has made quite a difference in
its economic standing; it has been through a lot of peaks and valleys
over the past few decades.
India
Throughout the human civilization, India was the manufacturing
powerhouse of the world contributing to more than quarter of world
manufacturing and GDP till the middle of 18th century.
[13] But in the later half of 18th century, India underwent
political turmoil and Europeans (mainly British) got an opportunity to
become political masters. During their rule, British economic policies
were targeted towards weakening of the craft guilds, enforcing
pro-British trade policies and banning production of many products &
commodities in India. The process of deindustrialization was very rapid
in India and within 120 years of
British Raj (1750-1870), share of Indian GDP in global GDP reduced
to one-eighth of global GDP and further to one-twenty-fifth in next 80
years (1870-1950).
Ireland
Ireland has yet[when?]
to de-industrialise. Industrial employment and production and sales in
industry have increased since 1990 according to OECD data. The increase
in industry coincided with the introduction of
Intel to
the Irish economy in late 1989. Though one may not think of Intel as
industry in the same sense as steel production, it is considered to be
industry. Intel is now the largest company by turnover in Ireland. This
was the beginning of what was called the “Celtic
Tiger” economy.
Dell and
Microsoft also followed Intel to Ireland, creating a large software
industry. As is evidenced by these 3 companies, a majority of the
industries that exist in Ireland are a result of foreign direct
investment. The top 3 FDIs are the U.S., the U.K., and Germany.
Italy
Overall,
Italy does not seem to be deindustrialising. According to
OECD (2008)
Archived 18 March 2008 at the
Wayback Machine data, the rate of industrial employment is at an
all-time high, although, in general, it has stayed relatively consistent
since 1956. The rate of industrial production is also on the rise after
a small dip in recent years; even though production rates are still at
almost 2 percent less than they were in 2000, the 2005 rate is eighty
percent more than what it was in 1955. These figures, however, do not
make the distinction between different regions of the country: according
to Rowthorn and Ramaswamy (1999), most manufacturing plants are located
in cities such as
Genoa and
Milan in
Northern Italy, and the unemployment rate in the south is significantly
higher than in the north. Prior to World War II, Italy's economy was
mainly agricultural, but it has since shifted to become one of the
largest industrial economies in the world. In general, Italy is
continuing to experience a period of industrialisation that has been
taking place since the shift.
Japan
Historic
To further remove Japan as a potential future military threat after
World War II, the
Far Eastern Commission decided that Japan must partly be
de-industrialized. Dismantling of Japanese industry was foreseen to have
been achieved when Japanese standards of living were reduced to those
between 1930 and 1934.[14][15]
(see
Great Depression) In the end the adopted program of
de-industrialisation in Japan was implemented to a lesser degree than
the similar U.S. "industrial disarmament" program in Germany.[14]
Current
A notable event began in the 1990s as the
economy of Japan suddenly stagnated after
three decades of tremendous economic growth. This could be construed
as directly linked to deindustrialization, as this phenomenon began to
be recognized in
developed countries of the world around this same time. However,
Japan had larger economic problems, the effects of which can still be
seen in the country's low economic growth today. According to data from
the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2008),
deindustrialization is occurring in Japan. However, although industrial
employment as a percentage of total employment has dropped over the last
couple of decades in Japan, total employment has not.[citation
needed] Unemployment was fairly low at 3.5% in 2007
(CIA
World Factbook 2008) and the economy is relatively stable.
Literature (Matsumoto 1996) has stated that the service sector has been
expanding and providing jobs for those that have been displaced from
industry. Strong
union membership has also played a role in keeping employment rates
stable. Although outsourcing and industrial decline may contribute to
job loss in industry, the shift in modern economies from industry to
service may help reduce negative effects.
Netherlands
Much like many other OECD countries, the Netherlands is not
experiencing deindustrialisation in the usual way one might think of it.
While the OECD’s Annual Labor Force Statistics Survey may show that
industrial employment opportunities in the Netherlands have
significantly decreased in the past 50 years, the OECD’s Production and
Sales MEI for Industry and Service Statistics shows that the overall
production in the industrial sector has actually improved. Meaning, the
Netherlands, like many other countries, has advanced to produce more
with less.
Also, perhaps in response to the decline in industrial sector
employment, the service industry of the Netherlands has grown and
expanded its employment opportunities. The timely response of
alternatives for employment may have had something to do with the
progressive policies the Netherlands has in place to complement the
changes in industry. An example might include tax breaks for families
where the father works full-time and the mother works part-time, also
referred to as the “one-and-a-half breadwinner” policy.
New Zealand
New Zealand, along with other affluent global economies, is in a
phase of deindustrialisation, starting in the late 1990s. The evidence
for this phenomenon is apparent in the decrease of economic output, a
shift from employment in the manufacturing sector to the service sector
(which may be due to an increase in tourism), the dissipation of unions
caused by immigration and individual work contracts, along with the
influence on culture by highbrow mass media (like the internet) and
technology. It is possible to interpret these trends in a different way
due to the complex nature of the data and the difficulty in quantifying
and calculating reliable results. These trends are important to study,
because they might occur in waves that could help predict economic and
cultural outcomes in the future.
Poland
In Poland, as in many other former communist countries,
deindustrialisation occurred rapidly in the years after the
fall of communism in 1989, with many unprofitable industries going
bankrupt with the switch to the
market economy.
Soviet Union
Prior to its dissolution in 1991, the USSR had
the second largest economy in the world after the United States.[16]
The economy of the Soviet Union was the modern world's first centrally
planned economy. It was based on a system of state ownership and managed
through
Gosplan (the State Planning Commission),
Gosbank
(the State Bank) and the
Gossnab
(State Commission for Materials and Equipment Supply). Economic planning
was through a series of
Five-Year Plans. The emphasis was put on a very fast development of
heavy industry and the nation became one of the world's top
manufacturers of a large number of basic and heavy industrial products,
but it lagged behind in the output of light industrial production and
consumer durables.
As the Soviet economy grew more complex, it required more and more
complex disaggregation of control figures (plan targets) and factory
inputs. As it required more communication between the enterprises and
the planning ministries, and as the number of enterprises, trusts, and
ministries multiplied, the Soviet economy started stagnating. The Soviet
economy was increasingly sluggish when it came to responding to change,
adapting cost−saving technologies, and providing incentives at all
levels to improve growth, productivity and efficiency.
Most information in the Soviet economy flowed from the top down and
economic planning was often done based on faulty or outdated
information, particularly in sectors with large numbers of consumers. As
a result, some goods tended to be underproduced, leading to shortages,
while other goods were overproduced and accumulated in storage. Some
factories developed a system of barter and either exchanged or shared
raw materials and parts, while consumers developed a black market for
goods that were particularly sought after but constantly underproduced.
Conceding the weaknesses of their past approaches in solving new
problems, the leaders of the late 1980s, headed by
Mikhail Gorbachev, were seeking to mold a program of economic reform
to galvanize the economy. However, by 1990 the Soviet government had
lost control over economic conditions. Government spending increased
sharply as an increasing number of unprofitable enterprises required
state support and consumer price subsidies to continue.
The industrial production system in the Soviet Union suffered a
political and economic collapse in 1991, after which a transition from
centrally planned to market-driven economies occurred. With the collapse
of the Soviet Union, the economic integration of the Soviet republics
was dissolved, and overall industrial activity declined substantially.[17]
A lasting legacy remains in the physical infrastructure created during
decades of combined industrial production practices.
Sweden
Sweden’s
industrial sector presents diverging information in production output
and industrial employment levels. Using OECD (2008) data, specific
statements can be made about these elements. With this data, it can be
seen that production output within the industrial sector has been
constantly rising. Contrastingly, employment within industry has been
steadily declining since the 1970s, as service sector employment rates
increase. Though the decline in industrial employment points to a
deindustrialising economy, the increasing levels of production output
state otherwise.
Sweden’s industrial sector remains intact as it relies on its
resource base of
timber,
hydropower, and
iron
ore as a large economic contributor (CIA
World Factbook 2008). Because of its increased production rates in
industry, it can be ascertained that deindustrialisation has not
occurred in Sweden. The decrease in industrial employment has been
countered by an increase in efficiency and automation, increasing output
levels in the industrial sector.
Switzerland
Deindustrialisation is a phenomenon that has been occurring in
Switzerland since the mid-1970s. Civilian employment in industry has
been in decline since 1975 according to OECD (2008) data due to a major
recession in the market. Literature (Afonso 2005) has stated that this
is due to large numbers of migrant workers being forced to leave the
country thanks to nonrenewable working permits, the industry, heavily
based in foreign labour suffered greatly and those losses are still
observed in the present. Production of total industry has been
increasing consistently at a slow rate since a slight decline in 1974.
United Kingdom
The United Kingdom has experienced many possible signs of
deindustrialisation such a shift in employment from the manufacturing
sector to the service sector. However, United Kingdom manufacturing
output has not declined. According to the OECD, the workforce in
industry has declined substantially since 1967. Although the employment
in industry has declined, the OECD shows the total sales and production
in the United Kingdom has increased over the past fifty years. The
correlation between the decrease in industrial employment and the
increase in national production and sales implies an increase in
productivity.
United States
This former industrial site in
Connecticut was used for office space after the
manufacturer ceased operations in 1994. [18]
Sectors of the US Economy as percent of GDP 1947-2009. [19]
According to OECD (2008) data[citation
needed], real industrial production rose in the
United States in every year from 1983 to 2007, with the exceptions
of 1991, 2001 and 2002. Manufacturing output has followed a similar
pattern. Total industrial employment has been roughly constant at around
30 million people since the late 1970s (though there has been a steady
decline since the all-time peak of 31.5 million in 2000).
The widespread perception of deindustrialization in the United States
is due to shifting patterns in the geography and political geography of
production (from the heavily unionized
Northeast and
Midwest towards the
right-to-work states of the
Southeast and the high supply of workers (largely immigrant,
first-generation, and second-generation) willing to accept low wages in
the
Southwest), along with increasing labor productivity, which has led
to higher levels of output without increases in the total number of
workers.[citation
needed]
In addition, though total industrial employment has been relatively
stable over the past forty years, the overall US labor force has
increased dramatically, resulting in a massive reduction in the percent
of the labor force engaged in industry (from over 35% in the late 1960s
to under 20% today)[citation
needed]. Industry (and specifically manufacturing)
is thus less prominent in
American life and the
American economy now than in over a hundred years.
Changes in industrial production have varied greatly between a number
of sectors in recent years; since 2000, for instance, while overall
output has remained roughly flat, the production of electronic equipment
has risen by over 50%, while that of clothing has fallen by over 60%.
Following a moderate downturn, industrial production grew slowly but
steadily between 2003 and 2007. The sector, however, averaged less than
1% growth annually from 2000 to 2007; from early 2008, moreover,
industrial production again declined, and by June 2009, had fallen by
over 15% (the sharpest decline since the great depression). Output
thereafter began to recover.[20]
The population of the United States has nearly doubled since the
1950s, adding approximately 150 million people. Yet, during this period
(1950–2007), the population of the great manufacturing cities of the
northeast has declined significantly. During the 1950s, the nation's
twenty largest cities held nearly a fifth of the US population. In 2006,
this proportion has dropped to about one tenth of the population.[21]
Many small and mid-sized manufacturing cities in the
Manufacturing Belt experience similar fates. For instance the city
of
Cumberland, Maryland declined from a population of 39,483 in the
1940s to a population of 20,915 in 2005.
As Americans migrated away from the manufacturing centers, they
formed
sprawling suburbs, and many former small cities have grown
tremendously in the last 50 years. In 2005 alone, Phoenix has grown by
43,000 people, an increase in population greater than any other city in
the United States. Contrast that with the fact that in 1950, Phoenix was
only the 99th largest city in the nation with a population of 107,000.
In 2005, the population has grown to 1.5 million, ranking as the fifth
largest city proper in the US.[21]
See also
References
-
^ Angus Maddison
(2006), "The World Economy", OECD Publishing,ISBN
92-64-02261-9 Page 263
-
^
a
b
Frederick H. Gareau "Morgenthau's
Plan for Industrial Disarmament in Germany" The Western
Political Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Jun., 1961), pp. 530
-
^ Michael R.
Beschloss, The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the
Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941–1945, pg. 233.
-
^
a
b
c
Frederick H. Gareau "Morgenthau's
Plan for Industrial Disarmament in Germany" The Western
Political Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Jun., 1961), pp. 520
-
^
James Stewart Martin. All Honorable Men (1950) pg.
191.
-
^
John Gimbel
"On the Implementation of the Potsdam Agreement: An Essay on
U.S. Postwar German Policy" Political Science Quarterly,
Vol. 87, No. 2. (Jun., 1972), pp. 242-269.
-
^
http://www.un.org/Pubs/chronicle/2008/webarticles/080103_marshallplan.html
-
^
Ray Salvatore Jennings "The Road Ahead: Lessons in Nation
Building from Japan, Germany, and Afghanistan for Postwar Iraq
May 2003, Peaceworks No. 49 pp 14,15
Archived 14 May 2008 at the
Wayback Machine
-
^
Ray Salvatore Jennings “The Road Ahead: Lessons in Nation
Building from Japan, Germany, and Afghanistan for Postwar Iraq
May 2003, Peaceworks No. 49 pg.15
Archived 14 May 2008 at the
Wayback Machine
-
^
Pas de Pagaille!
Time Magazine July 28, 1947.
-
^ Vladimir Petrov,
Money and conquest; allied occupation currencies in World War
II. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press (1967) p. 236 (Petrov
footnotes Hammond, American Civil-Military Decisions, p. 443)
-
^ Vladimir Petrov,
Money and conquest; allied occupation currencies in World War
II. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press (1967) p. 263
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^ Angus Maddison
(2006), "The World Economy", OECD Publishing,ISBN
92-64-02261-9 Page 263
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^
a
b
Frederick H. Gareau "Morgenthau's
Plan for Industrial Disarmament in Germany" The Western
Political Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Jun., 1961), pp. 531
-
^ (Note: A footnote
in Gareau also states: "For a text of this decision, see
Activities of the Far Eastern Commission. Report of the
Secretary General, February, 1946 to July 10, 1947, Appendix 30,
p. 85.")
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^
"1990 CIA World Factbook".
Central Intelligence Agency.
Retrieved 2008-03-09.
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^ Oldfield, J.D.
(2000) Structural economic change and the natural environment in
the Russian Federation. Post-Communist Economies, 12(1): 77-90)
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^
NATIONAL WELDING AND MANUFACTURING[dead
link], U. S. Environmental Protection
Agency, accessed 2009-09-07
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^
"Who Makes It?".
Retrieved 28 November 2011.
-
^
Federal Reserve
- ^
a
b
Stephen Ohlemacher, America's
big cities are getting smaller, Associated Press
Further reading
- Afonso, A (2005) 'When the Export of Social Problems is no
Longer Possible: Immigration Policies and Unemployment in
Switzerland' Social Policy and Administration, Vol. 39, No. 6,
Pp. 653–668
- Baumol, W J (1967) ‘Macroeconomics of Unbalanced Growth: The
Anatomy of Urban Crisis’ The American Economic Review, Vol. 57, No.
3
-
Boulhol, H (2004) ‘What is the impact of international trade on
deindustrialisation in OECD countries?’ Flash No.2004-206 Paris, CDC
IXIS Capital Markets
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Deindustrialization&action=edit§ion=21
- Brady, David, Jason Beckfield, and Wei Zhao. 2007. “The
Consequences of Economic Globalization for Affluent Democracies.”
Annual Review of Sociology 33: 313-34.
- Bluestone, B. and Harrison, B. The Deindustrialization of
America: Plant Closings, Community Abandonment and the Dismantling
of Basic Industry. New York: Basic Books, 1982.
- Cairncross, A (1982) 'What is deindustrialisation?' Pp. 5–17 in:
Blackaby, F (Ed.) Deindustrialisation, London: Pergamon
- Cowie, J.,Heathcott, J. and Bluestone, B. "Beyond the Ruins: The
Meanings of Deindustrialization." Cornell University Press, 2003.
- Central Intelligence Agency. 2008. “Japan.” Washington, D.C.:
Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved January 22, 2008 (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html).
-
CIA World Factbook (2008) 'Sweden'
-
The CIA World Factbook (2008) 'Canada'
- Feinstein, Charles. 1999. “Structural Change in the Developed
Countries During the Twentieth Century.” Oxford Review of Economic
Policy 15: 35-55.
- Fuchs, V R (1968) The Service Economy New York, National Bureau
of Economic Research
-
Lever, W F (1991) ‘Deindustrialisation and the Reality of the
Post-industrial City’ Urban Studies, Vol. 28, No. 6, Pp. 983-999[dead
link]
- Goldsmith, M and Larsen, H (2004) "Local Political Leadership:
Nordic Style." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research
Vol. 28.1, Pp. 121–133.
- Krugman, Paul. "Domestic Distortions and the Deindustrialization
Hypothesis." NBER Working Paper 5473, NBER & Stanford University,
March 1996.
- Kucera, D. and Milberg, W (2003) "Deindustrialization and
Changes in Manufacturing Trade: Factor Content Calculations for
1978-1995." Review of World Economics 2003, Vol.139(4).
- Lee, Cheol-Sung. 2005. “International Migration,
Deindustrialization and Union Decline in 16 Affluent OECD Countries,
1962-1997.” Social Forces 84: 71-88.
- Logan, John R. and Swanstrom, Todd, Beyond City Limits: Urban
Policy and Economic Restructuring in Comparative Perspective, Temple
University Press, 1990.
- Matsumoto, Gentaro. 1996. “Deindustrialization in the UK: A
Comparative Analysis with Japan.” International Review of Applied
Economics 10:273-87.
- Matthews, R C O, Feinstein, C H and Odling-Smee, J C (1982)
British Economic Growth, Oxford: Oxford University Press
-
OECD Stat Extracts (2008)
- Pitelis, C and Antonakis, N (2003) ‘Manufacturing and
competitiveness: the case of Greece’ Journal of Economic Studies,
Vol. 30, No. 5, Pp. 535–547
-
Reisman, G (2002) Profit Inflation by the US Government
- Rowthorn, R (1992) ‘Productivity and American Leadership – A
Review…’ Review of Income and Wealth Vol. 38, No. 4
- Rowthorn, R E and Wells, J R (1987) De-industrialisation and
Foreign Trade, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press
- Rowthorn, R E and Ramaswamy, R (1997)
Deindustrialization–Its Causes and Implications, IMF Working
Paper WP/97/42.
- Rowthorn, Robert and Ramana Ramaswamy (1999) 'Growth, Trade, and
Deindustrialization' IMF Staff Papers, 46:18-41.
- Sachs, J D and Shatz, H J (1995) ‘Trade and Jobs in US
Manufacturing’ Brookings Papers on Economic Activity No. 1
- Vicino, Thomas, J. Transforming Race and Class in Suburbia:
Decline in Metropolitan Baltimore. New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2008.
- Rodger Doyle,
Deindustrialization: Why manufacturing continues to decline,
Scientific American magazine - May, 2002
External links
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